This article will try to illustrate the impacts of Madrasas and Islamic pedagogy in Southeast Asia, particularly in Bangladesh, India and Pakistan. Further, the article will highlight how Madrasas go beyond the hegemonic characteristics of secular education.
Introduction
The institutionalization of education has two aspects- the secular education system and the religious or faith-based education system. Both systems coexist in several countries. However, the impacts of the latter in the Southeast Asian contexts are noteworthy. The most prevalent religions in Southeast Asia are Islam, Hinduism, Christianity, Buddhism, Judaism, Sikhism and Jainism. Each religion approaches the matter of pedagogy in different ways due to their varied cultural values and norms. In the Southeast Asian context, educational institutions that represent Islamic pedagogies are termed as ‘Madrasas’. The principal aim of Madrasas is to make an individual spiritually educated through the course of religious norms and practices. Some positive aspects of these institutions are, educating the transgender communities in Bangladesh, providing education to children belonging to lower-income families and creating opportunities for students by giving them vocational training (Mushtaq, Sadiq & Ijaz, 2014; Chowdhury, 2020). They offer these because Islamic texts suggest creating opportunities for people who fall behind due to social stratification. However, there is also research showing that Madrasas might work as a focal point for the growth of Islamic extremism (THE IMPACT OF THE ISLAMIC STATE IN ASIA, 2015).
This article will start with a background of the Islamic pedagogical approach with a specific focus on Madrasas. It will then highlight the impacts of Madrasas that go beyond the hegemonic characteristics of the secular education system in countries of Southeast Asia, precisely Bangladesh, Pakistan and India.
Islamic Pedagogy: Background
The concept of Madrasa has been prevalent for a number of centuries. Different parts of the Muslim world had distinct curricula in earlier periods (from 7th to 11th century). However, there was only one fundamental theme which bound them together and that was to educate people in Islamic values so that they can be future scholars in Islamic fields (Mushtaq, Sadiq & Ijaz, 2014).
During the 12th century, Madrasas decided to modify the curriculums through the integration of academic subjects of rational sciences. One example of such an event is the Ottoman Empire. They instituted curricula in their Madrasas which started to teach “subjects including logic, mathematics, astronomy, chemistry, medicine, poetry, history, geography, Quranic studies, Jurisprudence (Fiqh), and Islamic law” (Locating the Madrasa in 21st-Century India, 2021, p.5). Some other Madrasas were specifically designed to focus on various arts and crafts. . In present -day Uzbekistan, there were two cities famous for education during that time period: Bukhara and Samarkand (Locating the Madrasa in 21st-Century India, 2021). At the time, prominent scholars along with around half of the Asian Muslim population of that time received education from the institutions of these cities (Fry, 1966). The quality of education was so eminent that Europeans used to call some institutions ‘universities’ (Gervase & Smith, n.d.). Therefore, the Asian Madrasas made the Islamic educational approach more universal than before.
However, during the subsequent British colonial period, Madrasas in the Indian subcontinent faced many challenges due to the new rules introduced by the East India Company. For instance, Persian, which was the official language, was replaced by English (Bano, 2010). In addition, the Islamic judges and laws were replaced by British judges and their laws. Madrasas, as a result, started to lose their appeal and relevance during that time. The remaining Madrasas were considered to be the protectors of Islamic cultures and values and therefore, elicited zero reforms. Some Islamic scholars even started to question ‘science’ as an academic subject and rejected it as a product of British culture (Bano, 2010). Consequently, there appeared a noticeable shift on the emphasis of the Madrasa curriculum by turning their focal point from worldly life to the afterlife (Bano, 2010). The modernization of these institutions came to a standstill after that. After gaining their independence, three Southeast Asian countries (Bangladesh, India and Pakistan) tried to introduce reforms to their Madrasas. Although Pakistan was the first to voice its concerns, it was the last to implement any reform (University of Birmingham, 2007).
The Curricula
At present, Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan have different curricula and infrastructures in their Madrasas. In Bangladesh, there are reformed and unreformed Madrasas which are called Aliya and Qoumi respectively. The state has authority over the former and supports them financially while it neither provides financial support nor authority over the latter (Bano, 2010). On one hand, Aliya Madrasas follow a curriculum that includes secular subjects along with Islamic subjects. On the other hand, Qoumi Madrasas tend to follow a curriculum which is based on religion only. In Pakistan, a few Madrasas teach additional subjects such as English, General Science and Urdu, along with the religious ones. The rest of the Pakistani Madrasas adhere to the ways of the unreformed Qoumi Madrasas. This addition of secular subjects was made possible due to the support from the U.S. in 2002 (Bano, 2010). However, most of the Madrasas there do not have any state authority which means they operate independently without being held accountable to the state (Bano, 2010). The characteristics of the Madrasas can differ according to the nature of the state government in India. For instance, the Madrasas belonging to Bihar or Uttar Pradesh do not accept any modern curricula, while Madrasas from Kerala do not distinguish between secular and religious education (Locating the Madrasa in 21st-Century India, 2021). However, situated in West Bengal, there exists one of the most renowned Madrasa education systems; the ‘West Bengal Board of Madrasa Education’ (Bano, 2010). Furthermore, Madrasas from these countries do not arrange or encourage any extracurricular activities. For instance, singing, dancing, drama, painting, etc. are not allowed within the premises of the Madrasas. Nevertheless, the main objective for most families is to ensure a source of food and shelter for their children and to ensure that their children can read the Quran (the religious textbook of Islam).
Impacts of Madrasa Education in Bangladesh, India and Pakistan
Several groups of people have an underprivileged status in terms of economy in the community of Southeast Asia. The Muslim underprivileged groups of Southeast Asian nations, particularly from Bangladesh, India and Pakistan, do not have enough financial capability to send their children to formal education as it is costly. This is where Madrasas stepped in to offer low cost, accessible education to these communities. It is even possible for economically disadvantaged children to get free education in these Madrasas. Sometimes, students get free food and accommodation in exchange for being educated in the Islamic way. Some Madrasas create opportunities to educate the transgender community too. For example, Dawatul Koran Third Sex Madrasa in Bangladesh has been recently established with a view to providing education to the transgender communities free of charge (Chowdhury, 2020). This is the first educational institution in Bangladesh that targets transgender communities. There is no age limit for the transgender community to get enrolled into this Madrasa, and they have access to vocational training which improves their chances of getting employed (Chowdhury, 2020). The secular education system could not provide this kind of opportunity to transgender people due to the lack of resources and funding.
On the contrary, Madrasas have a vast political impact on Muslim nations. The Islamic pedagogy of Madrasas preaches Islam, but misinterpretations of Islamic texts are often seen to be used as a weapon by some radical or extremist groups. The connection between Madrasa and Islamic fundamentalism was a topic of debate after the 9/11 terrorist attack (Bhattacharya, 2006). Some Madrasas teach the students to carry out ‘Jihad’ against the non-Muslim people. Jihad is the religious war to protect Islam and Muslims. However, radical groups generally utilize these kinds of misinterpretations of the religion to indoctrinate the students of Madrasas (ibid.). For instance, Jeemah Islamiyah, an Islamic militant group, recruits from Madrasas that are situated across Southeast Asia (THE IMPACT OF THE ISLAMIC STATE IN ASIA, 2015). For local recruitment, these groups even use local gestures and languages in order to attract people (THE IMPACT OF THE ISLAMIC STATE IN ASIA, 2015). Despite the actions of fringe extremist groups, Madrasas have historically been centers for education and collaboration.
Conclusion
Madrasas have a long history in the context of Southeast Asian education system. They tend to go beyond the hegemonic structures of the secular education system which, at times, lacks appreciation. However, policy reformation, such as accountability, adequate funding, and special curricula can make Madrasas a preferable choice.
References
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Chowdhury, B. S. (2020, November 6). Transgender in Bangladesh: First school opens for trans students. BBC News. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-54838305
Fry, R. (1966). Bukhara, the medieval achievement. University of Oklahoma Press
Gervase, W. G., & Smith, C. S. (n.d.). Science and technology in early modern Islam, c.1450-c.1850. CiteSeerX. https://www.lse.ac.uk/Economic-History/Assets/Documents/Research/GEHN/GEHNConferences/conf4/Conf4-WCS.pdf
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